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Why the press ignores the success stories of deregulation

The question behind why the press ignores the success stories of deregulation is not whether liberalisation is always wise. It is whether citizens receive enough evidence to judge reforms that changed prices, services and risks. Deregulation usually means removing entry barriers, price controls or licensing restraints while retaining courts, law and oversight. Yet disruption often becomes a headline, while durable gains become background.

Australia offers clear examples. Airline deregulation in 1990 allowed new entrants on routes such as Sydney to Melbourne; Virgin Blue’s arrival in 2000 and Jetstar’s later expansion increased capacity and broke rigid fare structures. The National Energy Market connected competing generators and retailers across eastern Australia and South Australia. These were consequential reforms, even though their benefits did not arrive evenly.

Similar gains sit outside the scandal cycle: faster mobile and internet services after telecommunications competition, greater mortgage choice as banks competed, and a sharp home-loan price war in 2022–23 as the Reserve Bank raised the cash rate. Consumers still face confusing electricity offers, airline complaints and opaque fees. That imperfection makes careful success reporting more important because the counterfactual without reform is often missing.

Coverage follows conflict, familiar political labels and simplicity. A price rise produces a headline; a lower price sustained for years does not. Ownership concentration and thinner local reporting widen the gap. This criticism is not a defence of every market opening. Successful liberalisation needs capable regulators, transparent data and rules against abuse. The problem is an evidence gap, not immunity from scrutiny.

A selective memory in daily coverage

Most coverage is not a coordinated campaign. It is a collection of editorial incentives: conflict attracts attention, complexity consumes reporting resources and audiences recognise familiar complaints more readily than gradual improvements. Regulatory reform is particularly vulnerable because its results unfold over years rather than within a single news cycle.

Conflict is also easier to package than institutional continuity. A critical examination of digital-age Fourth Amendment safeguards offers a clear contest between privacy and security. A well-functioning competition regime usually has no single villain. When a regulator makes a sensible decision, the story may disappear because nobody had a dramatic loss that day.

The same selective memory appears in business coverage. Airports, banks and electricity retailers are routinely examined when customers complain, while competitive entry, falling barriers and improved service are treated as normal. Australian consumers are therefore shown the visible costs of liberalisation more often than the broader economic freedom it has produced.

What liberalisation changed for Australians

Aviation provides one of the clearest cases. Before deregulation, route entry and fares were heavily restricted. The reforms that followed allowed airlines to compete more directly, culminating in Virgin Blue—now Virgin Australia—and the growth of Jetstar. Their presence on major routes, including Sydney–Melbourne and Brisbane services, forced established carriers to respond with more capacity and cheaper fares.

Electricity reform created the National Energy Market, linking the power systems of New South Wales, Victoria, Queensland, South Australia and Tasmania. Generators compete to supply retailers, retailers offer competing contracts and the National Electricity Market Dispatch processes dispatch according to economic bids. Consumers retain the right to choose, although the complexity of standing offers and tariffs shows why liberalisation needs consumer safeguards.

Telecommunications deregulation and bank competition produced similarly tangible effects. Mobile coverage and internet access expanded as licensing barriers fell, while mortgage lenders competed through the Reserve Bank’s rate cycle. During 2022–23, the home-loan price war narrowed fixed-rate spreads and expanded repayment choices, although variable-rate borrowers still faced substantial pressure. Regulatory reform worked neither automatically nor perfectly.

Why good news loses the news cycle

Negative developments are compact. A closure, price rise or failure can be described in a headline, while a successful reform requires comparison across time, regions and policy settings. Reporting budgets rarely favour that work, particularly when the audience’s immediate concern is the latest bill or flight delay.

Local reporting has weakened just as these complex stories require more expertise. Australian metropolitan newspapers in Sydney, Melbourne and Brisbane have lost staff through closures and consolidation. The wider decline chronicled in private equity in newsrooms compounds the problem: when ownership is driven primarily by financial extraction, fewer reporters cover routine regulatory performance as well as spectacular failures.

Policy area Story that dominates Evidence often left out Remaining risk
Airlines Delays, cancellations and lost baggage More routes, capacity and lower fares after market entry Volatile pricing, safety and service standards
Electricity High bills, outages and market volatility Contestable supply and renewable investment Complex tariffs and hardship among vulnerable households
Telecommunications Outages, contracts and rising plans Wider choice, faster mobile service and cheaper calls Confusing plans and digital exclusion
Banking Fees, branch closures and mortgage stress Greater lender choice and the 2022–23 price war Financial hardship and variable-rate exposure

Ideological expectations can reinforce these commercial incentives. Stories about market failures suit populist distrust of institutions, while stories about successful competition can sound like free-market advocacy. Neither frame is inherently false, but a news agenda dominated by one of them can make an entire policy record look more one-sided than the evidence warrants.

Signals worth watching for better coverage

Useful reporting measures outcomes rather than treating policy labels as evidence. The following checks can be applied directly to Australian electricity, airline, telecommunications and mortgage markets.

Evidence that liberalisation is working

  • Credible new competitors survive and expand rather than entering briefly
  • Prices fall or service improves after competition increases
  • Consumers switch between providers without widespread disruption
  • Regulators publish data showing both gains and remaining failures

Signs of a coverage gap

  • A reform is mentioned only when a controversy emerges
  • Present conditions are compared with competitors rather than the pre-reform baseline
  • Individual complaints substitute for system-wide evidence
  • Long-term consumer benefits are omitted from otherwise thorough reporting

These indicators do not settle whether liberalisation deserves permanent support. They do reveal whether the public is being shown enough information to make that judgment. They also expose a common error: treating the continued existence of problems as proof that competition never produced meaningful benefits.

Liberalisation, power and democratic accountability

Deregulation is not simply a contest between business and the state. It transfers some decisions from ministers and regulators to markets, making regulatory oversight more important. In Australia, the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission must challenge anticompetitive conduct while governments retain responsibility for safety standards and consumer protection. A deregulated market that becomes a private monopoly has not delivered competition.

Elsewhere, the stakes are sharper. Coverage of Pakistan’s regional security order illustrates how security institutions can narrow civic space when the press cannot scrutinise them. The parallel with market liberalisation is not that the policies are alike; it is that concentrated power should face scrutiny regardless of whether it sits in government or business.

The same principle applies to Australian debates over media ownership, lobbying and regulatory capture. Liberalisation can expand consumer choice while large firms capture data, infrastructure or public attention. Regulation can protect the public while sheltering established operators. The relevant questions are which interests benefit, what evidence supports the claims and who carries the remaining risk.

The point to remember

The strongest argument is not that liberalisation is magic or that its failures are imaginary. It is that citizens cannot learn from a record in which only one direction of evidence receives attention.

Australian experiences with airline entry, the National Energy Market, telecommunications competition and mortgage price competition show why success deserves investigation rather than neglect. None removes the need for safety rules, consumer protection or scrutiny of market power.

The public should remember that a free press is judged by whether it explains both the harm of intervention and the consequences of trying alternatives.

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"Attacking the press criticism as a harbinger of the Third Reich is nonsense" — a line from the site's own commentary on press coverage, August 26, 2017.